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4. Connecting the Drops: The Wider Human and Environmental Costs

Nicholas A. Robins Indiana University Press ePub

In order to gauge the health effects of mercury exposure on the residents and workers of Huancavelica and Potosí, it is necessary to understand how a multitude of dynamic factors interact. These include the amount of mercury and silver actually produced, how and under what climatic conditions quicksilver was lost to the atmosphere and waterways, and the effects of elemental mercury on people and animals when it is absorbed through different means. Fortunately, the Spanish authorities maintained detailed records concerning mercury and silver production, and contemporaries described the characteristics and inefficiencies of the respective refining processes, as well as the issue of contraband. By integrating the historical record with modern air-dispersion modeling and current medical knowledge of mercury’s effects, we can approximate the nature and range of the human and ecological effects that mining had at different times during the colonial period.

A Tremulous Toxin

Although mercury has no known use in the human body, it is present in minute quantities in the soil we cultivate and the air we breathe. As an element, designated as Hg in the periodic table, mercury can neither be created nor destroyed, and it has been found in every continent, and even on the moon. There are two sources of this element in the environment: those released through natural weathering processes of mercury-containing rock, and man-made, or anthropogenic, sources. Today, the latter are usually associated with electricity production, industrial applications and byproducts, and municipal and medical waste incineration.1

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II The Healing Revival, 1947–1958

David Edwin, Jr. Harrell Indiana University Press ePub



The Healing Revival that Erupted in 1947 thrust into positions of world-wide prominence a group of unsuspecting men. Chapter 3 discusses the two men who first came to the forefront—the two giants of the healing revival, William Branham and Oral Roberts. They were remarkably different personalities, but they quickly recognized one another as the premier leaders of the revival.

Most of the participants of the revival looked upon Branham as its initiator. Out of his massive union meetings in 1947 spread reports of hundreds of miracles and marvels. Branham seemed an unlikely leader. He had long been a pastor in a small independent Baptist church; he was introduced to the pentecostal world by the despised oneness pentecostals; his preaching was halting and simple beyond belief. But William Branham became a prophet to a generation. A small, meek, middle-aged man with piercing eyes, he held audiences spellbound with tales of constant communication with God and angels. Night after night, before thousands of awed believers, he discerned the diseases of the sick and pronounced them healed.

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2 Basic Training at Camp Roberts

J. Ted Hartman Indiana University Press ePub


Basic Training at Camp Roberts

Our train from Los Angeles took most of the night to reach Camp Roberts, California, where it pulled onto a siding that took us directly into the camp, arriving at 6 A.M. Army trucks met us and took us to the barracks of the 51st Field Artillery Battalion. The first part of the process for us was to be interviewed to see if we had any special skills that would determine where we might be assigned. I had taken typing in high school; once the interviewer learned this, he decided that I would go to the army clerical school. Those of us designated as clerks were then trucked over to the 56th Field Artillery Battalion, where all of those attending clerical school were assigned.

Slightly more than two weeks had elapsed since being called to active duty and we were settled into typical army barracks at Camp Roberts, ready to start basic training. Camp Roberts was a huge army camp constructed near the Pacific Coast halfway between Los Angeles and San Francisco. The purpose from the very beginning was to provide basic training for soldiers in both infantry and field artillery. It was a temporary military installation and was very plain and utilitarian. (Despite its “temporary” classification, it is still in use by the army today, over fifty years later.)

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5 Fulani Expansion and Subcolonial Rule in Early Colonial Adamawa Province

Moses E. Ochonu Indiana University Press ePub

IN JULY 2011, the Nigerian federal government announced a decision to change the name of the Federal University of Technology in Yola to Moddibo Adama University of Technology. The change was made, the government claimed, to honor the most prominent leader of the Fulani jihad in the Upper Benue Valley and Alantika Mountains and founder of the precolonial Fombina (Adamawa) Emirate. The territorial span of the defunct emirate corresponds to a big chunk of postcolonial Adamawa State. In a unit of Nigeria that already bore the name of Adama (Adamawa is derived from Adama and became the name of the state in 1991, when Taraba State was created out of the old Gongola State), the name change riled the state’s non-Fulani population, who constitute, by some estimates, 80 percent of the entire population of the state.1

A former governor of the old Gongola State, Wilberforce Juta, a Bachama Christian and chairman of the Adamawa Elders Forum, resolutely opposed the renaming, arguing that there were several deceased Christian indigenes of the state who deserved the honor and should have been “immortalized” in the process of renaming the university.2 Juta declared that Modibbo Adama had already been honored enough since the entire state bore his name. By approving the renaming, President Goodluck Jonathan, a Southern Nigerian Christian, had “exhibit[ed] insensitivity to the struggle of northern minorities,” Juta stated. Juta contended that, “there are also late Christian leaders” who had helped to develop the state but who were “sleeping in their graves without being immortalized.”3 In the course of the debate over the renaming, it emerged that the Fulani lamido of Fombina, Muhammadu Barkindo Aliyu Musdafa, a descendant of Adama, had used his respected chiefly political clout to lobby the president intensely for the name change.

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17 Conclusion

Patrick J. Kelly Indiana University Press ePub

Tirpitz entered the navy in 1865 as a gangly adolescent. From the outset he showed elements of the intelligence, diligence, and sheer determination that marked his entire career. His father, jokingly but prophetically, predicted he would be a Grand Admiral. As he matured into a junior officer and suffered the frustrating experience of serving through two wars without firing a shot, he demonstrated a talent, rare among his contemporaries, for working out on paper ideas that were logical, empirical, and creative. This talent attracted the attention of both peers and superiors and helped him obtain enviable career assignments, first (1877) as a junior officer in the mint-new Torpedo Arm, and later (1892) as Chief of Staff of the Oberkommando. Except for royalty, there was no early promotion within the navy’s iron-hard seniority system, and he was never promoted ahead of his own seniority (fifth within the “crew” of 1865).

Luck, too, played a role, even before he entered the navy. When the training ship Amazone sank with all hands in 1861, six senior officers and nineteen ensigns and sea cadets were among the crew, and each would have preceded him on the seniority list. Good fortune also spared him from the accidents and exposure to disease that cut short many careers. A lifelong hypochondriac, in 1876 he dreaded a posting to China. When he briefly went to China in 1896–97 he did become ill. Instead of service abroad, in 1877 he was assigned to the Torpedo Arm. He served there for twelve years with an unusual degree of autonomy and rose from Lt. Commander to Captain, with increasing levels of responsibility, taking a giant step toward the creation of a formidable reputation.

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